Trust, reciprocity and communication: collaboration bases
Our ability to organise cooperation … is one of the most striking features of our species. — Peter Richerson, Robert Boyd and Brian Paciotti*
Today’s emergencies, like climate, are solved collectively. We are all entangled in the problem creation and solution.
Fortunately, humans have been fixing issues like this for millennia.
Collaboration
You would not be reading this article if it were not for some of our ancestors learning how to undertake collective action to solve social dilemmas. Successive generations have added to the stock of everyday knowledge about how to instil productive norms of behaviour in their children and to craft rules to support collective action that produces public goods and avoids “tragedies of the commons”. Elinor Ostrom
Humans have collaborated for millennia. We work together to protect houses and families, vulnerable people and children, put out fires and sandbag homes against floods. We cooperate on many more subtle levels too. To inspire, to educate, to entertain, just because we like to eat meals together. We social, we do better in groups.
Yet, bizarrely, working together, for mutual benefit, to protect common resources is often seen as a recipe for failure. What we do will be negated by others—how often, for example on climate, have we heard a leader say ‘our country only produces two percent of the world’s emissions, everyone else will take advantage of us if we change’? Or words to this effect.
However, there are many situations in which humans collaborate for the benefit of everybody. We created working systems. We do so voluntarily. Some last for thousands of years spanning generations, successfully protecting the commons. When such systems work they are characterized by trust, reciprocity and a level of communication.
Our climate emergency, fisheries and water resources are great examples of commons. In such cases, action creates better outcomes for everyone however, others can choose not to cooperate. The result of this non-cooperation is short-term gain for the defectors and longer-term loss for everyone.
A wide range of work looks at such collective action challenges. A specific substantive area of this research seeks to address environmental social dilemmas and how groups may seek to—and in many cases have acted to—protect common pool resources, resources that are shared, easily accessible and can be degraded through overuse.
With multiple users it is possible for an individual (or country) to take more than a fair share of what the resource can sustain. If this occurs, the overall utility of the resource can be damaged resulting in it becoming less productive. A common example: overfishing can dramatically impact future stocks. This reduces the productivity of the whole resource. These dilemmas characterize many other common resources, such as the world’s ability to absorb greenhouse emissions and the safe level of carbon dioxide and other global warming gases in the earth’s stratosphere.
Comparison of landings of ground fish (blue line) and lobster (dashed red line) in Maine from 1980 to 2002—millions of kilograms of fish and lobsters landed per year.
The degraded inshore ground fishery in Maine is governed by top-down rules based on models that were not credible among users. As a result, compliance has been relatively low and there has been strong resistance to strengthening existing restrictions.
This is in marked contrast to the Maine lobster fishery, which has been governed by formal and informal user institutions that have strongly influenced state-level rules that restrict fishing. The result has been credible rules with very high levels of compliance.
From: The Struggle to Govern the Commons—Thomas Dietz, Elinor Ostrom, Paul C. Stern
So what works?
To protect such resources we commonly assume that government intervention, or privatization of the commons, is necessary. Common pool resource research demonstrates that individuals and groups can, and do, generate systems, behaviors, structures and standards that answer such dilemmas. Hundreds of studies document self-governed systems that manage such resources more effectively than government intervention or privatization although, equally, there are many cases where these efforts fail.
Successful, self-governing systems are characterized by formal and informal rules, norms and customs to manage the commons. Under such systems, community and group processes sustainably manage common-pool resources. The research highlights the ability of groups to self-organize and protect their own resources. It shows many groups organize on small and regional scales to develop enduring solutions to these social dilemmas.
The social dilemma represents the difficulties faced by anyone wishing to act on such issues. For example, if an individual user is seeking maximum returns over the long-term, the user needs the resource to remain optimally productive. For goods of this type, this means that multiple users need to act collectively so that the resource is not degraded. However, the individual’s dilemma is that incentives to collaborate are removed should other users exploit the resource beyond sustainable limits – they could overuse the resource as well and may lose out if they do not. Consequently, there is a conventional view that without externally imposed regulations, it is impossible to achieve the benefits of collective action.
Garret Hardin famously illustrated the dilemma with a pasture open to all. He argued, in a stable society, any rational herder would continually add to his [sic] flock or herd thus creating the tragedy:
Each man is locked into a system that compels him to increase his herd without limit – in a world that is limited. Ruin is the destination toward which all men rush, each pursuing his own best interest in a society that believes in the freedom of the commons.
A significant range of real-world situations and cases contradict this logical theory. Hardin is specific—a commons open to all cannot be sustainable in today’s world. The prediction that the system will force users into a headlong rush to deplete it is contradicted particularly when trust, communication and reciprocity can be established.
Where’s the evidence for that?
This is a well-investigated field. Elinor Ostrom, who won a Nobel prize for this work, was one of the leaders. Along with Paul Stern and others in 2002, summarising 15 years of research, they concluded that the tragedy of the commons analogy is, in fact, only valid in very limited special circumstances – when resource users cannot communicate and develop trust. They find three conditions are necessary, but not sufficient, for effective management of common pool resources. Firstly, the resource must be important and prominent enough for users to create new managing institutions. Secondly, the users must not be constrained from creating and setting their own rules (for example by external governance institutions). Thirdly, at least some of the users must be able to communicate with each other and bargain.
This research is significantly based in two major fields: common pool resource experiments in controlled settings—usually based on games and game theory and also tested in computer simulations; and analysis of real-world common pool resource systems such as irrigation, fisheries or forests.
So what—can we use this?
We face multiple emergencies with many different individuals, players, institutions, businesses, non-government organizations and more engaged globaly. Our climate emergency, for example, requires collaboration worldwide. At the same time, there are multiple institutions, from cities to states, voluntary groups and synergistic carbon businesses, working to reverse global warming.
In many of these entities you see the principles of trust, reciprocity and communication underpin and enable these changes. In Elinor Ostrom’s words we have created a polycentric approach for coping with climate change. We need it!
Communities have worked out how to protect common resources, such as water allocations, throughout our history. Sometimes, water allocation for growing crops or other uses—voluntary community created systems—have successfully managed such common resources for millennia.
Modern Day
But what about today? Is this relevant? There is good evidence that many of the theoretical design principles, drawn from common pool research, are correlated to the manners in which companies act on sustainability—company’s with leading sustainability reputations have initatives that work in ways correlated to common pool design principles (broadly trust, reciprocity and communication).
In addition to positive confirmation—when the manners in which company staff describe effective sustainability activities are aligned with such principles—the evidence also extends to describing difficulties encountered when structures, action, attitudes or policies were less effective. The most obvious of such circumstances describe hierarchies or centralized control where there is not explicit authorization to design the initiatives, within subsections of the corporate group, so that these sustainability policies or efforts are relevant to localized conditions.
Photos: All by Festina Lentívaldi, (be) Benevolution. Reuse: Creative Commons BY-NC 3.0 US except lobster is FreeImages and the fisheries graph is from the Science article quoted.
Resources
Links and posts
This article is a version of part of a chapter from A climate for change. The full publication, references, overview and pdf is here>
Elinor Ostrom’s quote “You would not be reading this article if it were not for some of our ancestors learning how to undertake collective action…” is from A behavioural approach to the rational choice theory of collective action (1998) here>
Our ability to organise cooperation on a scale considerably larger than predicted by theory based on unconstrained selfish rationality, or by most evolutionary mechanisms, is one of the most striking features of our species.
Peter Richerson, Robert Boyd and Brian Paciotti quote is from the book An evolutionary theory of commons management
For Elinor’s overview of protecting common resources and action to address climate change see the video to the right/below and her Nobel prize acceptance speech here>
See Elegant attraction: our emerging universe here> for a wonderfully coherent talk (video and transcript) on what emerges from such connective, attractive forces.
Nobel prize lecture
Designing institutions to force (or nudge) entirely self-interested individuals to achieve better outcomes has been the major goal posited by policy analysts for governments to accomplish for much of the past half century.
Extensive empirical research leads me to argue that instead, a core goal of public policy should be to facilitate the development of institutions that bring out the best in humans.
Elinor Ostrom (emphasis added)
Subscribe
Get the newsletter (story summary).
Recent posts
Coming home
We belong to and are of the Earth but we bypass our sense of belonging. I missed this leaving home and my story mirrors our larger, human-wide journey. What do I need to come home?
Climate consciousness
70 students, a UN, MIT & Vienna simulation meet Integral. With inner and outer development can we transform humanity’s, and our planet’s temperature, trajectory? Try it!
A mindset of transformation
Our multiplying and interconnected eco-social crises are met through awakening and love: bigger realities, ways of thinking, being and doing.
0 Comments